— Ritwika Patgiri

India holds 18 per cent of the world’s population but only 4 per cent of its freshwater, with per capita availability estimated to drop to the scarcity threshold of 1,000 cubic metres by 2050. The water crisis manifests itself in stories of distress, gender disparities, and complex societal responses.

For instance, studies show that in a drought-prone hamlet of Maharashtra, local communities have resorted to polygamy, believing more women – called “water wives” – can enhance the ability to procure drinking water. Similarly, sugarcane cultivation in the state reveals yet another gendered water struggle. 

Alongside gender norms, inequality, poverty, rural-urban divide are some other factors that shape how access to water is experienced and managed across communities. These factors become important in the context of a new report titled “Global Water Bankruptcy: Living Beyond Our Hydrological Means in the Post-Crisis Era”.

Released by the United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health (UNU-INWEH), the report notes that nearly three-quarters of the world’s population lives in countries classified as water-insecure or critically water insecure. It also states that across the globe, around 2.2 billion people lack safely managed drinking water, while 4 billion people experience severe scarcity of water at least once a month every year. 

In India, the reality of the water crisis varies across rural and urban areas. The World Bank defines water scarcity as a situation when annual per capita water availability drops below 1000 cubic metres and when safe and usable water falls short of the total demand. 

The NITI Aayog’s Composite Water Management Index (CWMI) report of 2019 states that the country is facing the most severe water crisis in its history. However, government policies like the Jal Jeevan Mission have played a significant role in targeting the provision of basic drinking water to all people. 

According to the World Bank, access to basic drinking water refers to access to improved sources like piped water, boreholes, tubewells, protected dug wells, protected springs, and packaged or delivered water. 

In terms of national-level data, India has made progress in increasing access to drinking water. In the early 2000s, only 80 per cent of Indians had access to safe drinking water. Now, almost 95 per cent of Indian households have access to basic drinking water. 

However, the provision of tap water connections does not automatically mean that households get their drinking water from taps or that the water connection is functional. This is important to consider since, according to NITI Aayog data, nearly 600 million people face water crisis and 200,000 people die each year due to inadequate access to safe water. 

Access to safe drinking water is also marked by inequalities. Access to basic drinking water is poorer in rural areas than urban areas. For instance, around 92 per cent of Indians in rural areas have access to basic drinking water, while it is close to 96 per cent in urban areas. It is also observed that low-income households spend a greater share of their monthly income to secure clean drinking water. 

Further, water-borne diseases are more frequent in drought and flood-prone areas. Water scarcity also affects women and children in different ways. For instance, UNICEF reported a 22 per cent increase in school dropout rates in drought-affected areas, as children are sent to collect water instead of attending classes. 

Similarly, women also face the burden of water scarcity in different ways. According to the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5) data, women aged 15 and above are responsible for water collection in around 71 per cent of rural households in India. They also spend long hours collecting water from distant and faraway places. According to UNICEF, nearly 54 per cent of rural women spend an estimated 35 minutes getting water every day, equivalent to the loss of 27 days’ wages over a year. 

The case of Maharashtra can be used here to understand how gendered the question of water scarcity and accessibility remains. As mentioned earlier, studies suggest that in a drought-prone hamlet of the state, local communities have resorted to polygamy, believing that more women in the household can fully look after the availability, collection, and management of water. 

Men usually marry widows or unmarried women without dowry to only fetch water. These women are called “water wives”, and lack inheritance or conjugal life. The situation reflects how “water collection” is also seen as a degrading, tedious, and gendered role. 

Sugarcane cultivation in drought-prone Maharashtra reveals yet another gendered water struggle. The stories of female migrant agricultural workers from water-stressed regions in sugarcane fields offer insights. 

Sugarcane is a heavily water-absorbing crop. These female agricultural workers face a double burden of work as well as exploitation – long hours of work in the field, along with domestic work like cooking, cleaning, and fetching water. 

The harsh working conditions often imply a lack of access to toilets and water, often leading to severe health conditions like delayed menstruation, with some women undergoing hysterectomy in extreme cases. This reflects poorly on the existing developmental model, where water for production of cash crops like sugarcane is seen as more important than local needs. 

Access to water, thus, is more than geographical positions. Unequal systems, gendered norms, and prioritising profit and market make women more vulnerable.

Water scarcity and poverty are a multidimensional phenomena, marked by both the physical availability of water as well as socio-economic factors. These factors make the role of policymakers significant. Issues around water scarcity and drought often see women as invisible or passive victims, whose primary role is to fetch water. This narrative, however, hides the importance of the woman farmer in irrigation. 

Policies as well as projects around water, therefore, need to address women’s concerns more effectively and contribute to gender equality. While current policies on agriculture and irrigation measure efficiency, productivity, and output, they often ignore women’s unpaid labour in fetching water as well as the woman farmer. 

There are examples across the country where women farmers have demanded their rightful share in irrigation. In Maharashtra, women farmers collectivised and asked for a share in the water from the canal irrigation to irrigate the land they collectively leased. 

In North India, Dalit women formed jal sahelis or water friends to restore old and non-functional water bodies to ensure drinking water security in their villages. In the Western Himalayan region of the country, the drying of natural springs caused a severe water crisis. But women led the efforts to rejuvenate these springs. However, landownership and decision-making among these women remain low. 

Therefore, a gendered understanding of environmental governance is crucial for effective and equitable policymaking. Accessibility of water must go hand-in-hand not only with physical infrastructure but also with institutional reforms that address gender inequalities in land ownership, decision-making, and the distribution of unpaid care work. Women are active agents in water management and policies must incorporate women’s knowledge, experiences, and leadership in local water governance systems.

Water scarcity in India is not merely an environmental issue but a deeply gendered social problem. Discuss with suitable examples.

Examine the gendered division of labour in rural India in the context of water scarcity. How does it reinforce existing inequalities?

Evaluate the effectiveness of government initiatives such as the Jal Jeevan Mission in ensuring equitable access to safe drinking water.

Discuss the role of local communities and women-led initiatives in improving water governance in India.

Why is it important to incorporate a gender perspective in public policy related to water and irrigation? Suggest measures.

(Ritwika Patgiri is a doctoral candidate at the Faculty of Economics, South Asian University.)

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